Canlyniadau Chwilio: plaid Y ras arweinyddol a lle Plaid Cymru ar y sbectrwm dde-chwith

Un peth sydd wedi codi unwaith eto yn ystod etholiad arweinyddol Plaid Cymru yw’r cwestiwn am le’r Blaid ar y sbectrwm dde-chwith. Gyda Leanne yn glir ar y chwith, Adam efallai yn fwy tua’r canol erbyn hyn (er y byddai yn gwadu hynny!) â Rhun yn gwrthod cael ei diffinio yn ôl y sbectrwm dde-chwith […] Parhau i ddarllen

Y Papur Gwyrdd: Angen arweiniad gan driawd Plaid Cymru ar fygythiad Cynhesu Byd-eang

Nid pwnc yw Cynhesu Byd-eang a Newid Hinsawdd, ond cyd-destun – cyd-destun i fywydau a gweithgarwch pawb ohonom. Ni fydd yn bosibl i ni’r Cymry osgoi difrod y chwalfa amgylcheddol sydd ar gerdded trwy guddio y tu ôl i Glawdd … Parhau i ddarllen Parhau i ddarllen

Blog yr Hogyn o Rachub: Arweinydd Newydd Plaid Cymru

Helô stalwm!Ac na, mi wn i. Dwi ddim yn aelod o Blaid Cymru. Ond dydi hynny ddim yn golygu nad oes gen i farn ar y ras arweinyddol sydd wedi bod yn mynd rhagddi. A dweud y gwir, dwi wedi bod yn ei dilyn yn gymharol agos. Go brin y byddai unrhyw un o’r… Parhau i ddarllen Plaid Lafur Arfon – eto fyth

Mae’n debyg gen i y bydd darllenwyr Blogmenai sy’n byw yn Arfon yn falch o ddeall bod mae gan Mary Gwen Griffiths – ymgeisydd Llafur yn yr etholiad San Steffan nesaf yn yr etholaeth – gyfri trydar.Tra nad ydi’r cyfri yn un arbennig o gynhyrchiol ar hyn… Parhau i ddarllen Datganiad i’r wasg Plaid Cymru yn sgil ennill y frwydr i atal codi 366 ym Mhen y Ffridd, Bangor

Mae trigolion lleol a Phlaid Cymru Bangor yn llawenhau bod eu hymgyrch i wrthwynebu datblygiad tai mawr, 366 o gartrefi newydd ym Mhen y Ffridd, Bangor wedi llwyddo!Gweithiodd Plaid Cymru Bangor yn ddiflino i wrthod y cynllun i ddatblygu cynifer o dai … Parhau i ddarllen

Blog – Golwg360: 🗣 Plaid Cymru: mae angen mwy o drafod agored

Rhai o argraffiadau Huw Prys Jones o’r gynhadledd wanwyn yn Llangollen Parhau i ddarllen

Blog – Golwg360: 🗣 Trasiedi ac adwaith – plaid a gwlad ar brawf ?

Aled Gwyn Job sy’n edrych nôl ar farwolaeth yr Aelod Cynulliad Carl Sargeant… Parhau i ddarllen

Blog Glyn Adda: Disgyblaeth plaid

Darllen y bore ’ma (Newyddion BBC Cymru) fod pwyllgor gwaith Plaid Cymru yn gwahardd i gynghorwyr y Blaid yng Nghonwy fynd i glymblaid â’r Ceidwadwyr.  Darllen y bore ’ma (Newyddion BBC Cymru) fod pwyllgor gwaith Plaid Cymru yn gwahardd i gynghorwyr y Blaid yng Nghonwy fynd i glymblaid â’r Ceidwadwyr. Nid wyf am ddadlau dim […] Parhau i ddarllen Yn y cyfamser ym myd rhyfedd Plaid Lafur Arfon _ _

_ _ mae’r syniad o gyfieithu eu stwff o’r Saesneg i Urdu a ieithoedd Dwyrain Ewrop yn cael ei ystyried er mwyn gallu cyfiawnhau cyfieithu i’r Gymraeg. Parhau i ddarllen

Ifan Morgan Jones: Plaid has problems – but Leanne isn’t one

Leanne Woood
The past few days have seen renewed speculation in the press and social media about Leanne Wood’s leadership.

This happens to all leaders after a few years in the top job. But to borrow an idiom from the Welsh language, Leanne Wood has pulled this bees’ nest on to her own head.

Plaid’s rules state that MPs can’t lead the party, and by deciding (unnecessarily) to announce that she was considering standing in Rhondda, she turned everyone’s attention to what a future leadership election could look like.

If Plaid Cymru do fail to make significant headway on June 8th (not winning Ynys Môfor instance) the clamour could intensify quite significantly.

However, I think that Plaid Cymru members should quell their revolutionary fervour (in this one instance). Not all the parties’ woes can be blamed on the leader, and ditching Leanne may not be in their long-term interest.

Welsh nationalist tend to be more susceptible than others to dreaming of a man gwyn man draw. But the triban is not always greener on the other side.

Leanne Wood is a) well-known throughout Wales and b) popular (by the standards of other Welsh and UK politicians). She also secured a genuine, gold-plated breakthrough by winning a seat in the valleys, where Plaid has been knocking on the door without success for many years. These are three things not many Plaid leaders have achieved.

The truth is that not making significant headway in the General Election would not be the end of the world for Plaid Cymru. Their real aim is and should be to secure a breakthrough at the National Assembly Elections. And recent polls suggest that, if Labour’s woes continue, they would be well-placed to do so in a few years’ time.

If Plaid Cymru were hotly contesting four or five seats in the valleys at the next election, who would be better to lead the party than Rhondda’s visible and popular Assembly Member?

Plaid’s problems are more complex

Discussions about changing the leadership of Paid Cymru also miss the larger picture, which is that because they are a Welsh nationalist party, their problems can’t easily be fixed with a change of personnel as they would be in the case of other, British nationalist parties.

If Labour changed leadership and moderated their hard-left stance they would no doubt bounce back in the polls. But that’s because they’re very much part of a dominant British establishment that includes the media and other institutions who would warmly welcome them back into the fold.

Plaid’s problem is ultimately that they’re a nationalist party in a country that isn’t particularly conducive to nationalism.

Plaid Cymru supporters look enviously at Scotland. But despite Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon’s talents, Scotland has the advantage of having strong national institutions and a comparatively healthy media.

I tend to think that nationalists in Wales place too much of a burden on Plaid Cymru’s shoulders. Political parties are constrained by the need to maintain the public’s support. Thus, they’re naturally risk averse.

Other political parties have proxies in the media, think tanks and other institutions that can do the hard (and sometimes dirty) work of changing minds for them without having to worry about a backlash at the ballot box.

Welsh nationalists need to concentrate on setting these up rather than sniping at Plaid’s leadership. Blaming Plaid can become an excuse for inaction.

Ultimately, whatever her decision (and she may herself be ready to give up the leadership for entirely personal reasons – it is a tough job) I hope Leanne Wood stays on as a Plaid Cymru AM.

Being a credible government in waiting is about more than just the leader. You need a strong cabinet in waiting too, and having Leanne on the team would show that Plaid has a lot of strength in depth.

Parhau i ddarllen Dim ond Plaid Cymru wneith amddiffyn Cymru

Ifan Morgan Jones: Why Labour and Plaid Cymru should support a Welsh independence movement

Wales faces ruin. Picture by Les Haines (CC BY 2.0)

In two or three years, we could be looking at a very different United Kingdom, if it exists at all.

Scotland could be an independent country and Ireland a united one. Corbyn will have led Labour to a cataclysmic defeat, reducing the party to an ineffectual rump of some 150 seats.

Wales will become an economic backwater as Brexit wipes out much of the manufacturing and agricultural industries. The economy will be even more centralised in the South East of England.

This is the bleak future that we face here in Wales. However, both Labour and Plaid Cymru, the small and capital ‘N’ nationalist parties in Wales, have been very slow to adapt to these changes.

If you look at the issues being debated in the Welsh Assembly, it’s as if nothing has changed at all.

Labour and Plaid Cymru’s paralysis is best understood when you realise that nationalism is ultimately driven by self-interest.

Labour’s rugby-nationalism

Labour supported the creation of the National Assembly because they knew that they would be running it. And the kind of nationalism it has nurtured while in office has been carefully calibrated to ensure that this remains the case.

Andy Burnham identified this nationalism while discussing devolution for Manchester last week:

“Compare what happened in Wales and Scotland. In the former, Carwyn Jones pioneered a distinctive, patriotic brand of ‘red-shirt Labour’ dressed in the national rugby colours. In the latter, following the death of Donald Dewar, no high-profile Labour figure arrived to pick up the devolution torch and a large hole was left for others to fill.”

In other words, Labour has deliberately nurtured a form of nationalism that is ultimately a thin veneer that can be donned where needed to win public support.

This is a brand of nationalism that reminds their core vote of their working-class, industrial, Labour-supporting Welsh identity but at the same time:

a) avoids the cultural nationalism that could make them sympathetic to Plaid Cymru

b) is too ‘banal’ to stir up the kind of ‘hot’ nationalism that could lead to independence, and as such make it harder for Labour to win power at Westminster.

This non-offensive ‘rugby-nationalism’ allows the people of Wales to blow steam for 80 minutes during the Six Nations but does not allow for a broader discussion about Wales’ constitutional predicament.

It’s no coincidence that Shane Williams was the poster boy for Wales’ devolution referendum in 2011, or that WRU chief Roger Lewis was the chairman. Rugby-nationalism is Labour’s favoured brand of nationalism.

Plaid Cymru’s cultural nationalism

Plaid Cymru, meanwhile, have settled for a form of nationalism that embraces the cultural differences between Wales and England but does not call for any radical constitutional change.

This is because it has not ultimately been in their supporters’ interest, either, for Wales to break away from the United Kingdom.

Plaid’s cultural nationalism depends on Wales’ national institutions – be they libraries, museums, TV channels, universities, publishers or theatre groups – for sustenance.

But it is felt (rightly or wrongly) that without the Treasury’s largesse these institutions may not exist at all.

Cultural nationalism can be ‘banal’ too, especially if one has a well-paid job at a cultural institution, or is happy as long as ‘Pobl y Cwm’ is on every night at 8pm. And although Wales’ culture is being slowly eroded, the process has been too slow to shock cultural nationalists into action.

Both these nationalisms, Labour’s rugby nationalism and Plaid’s cultural nationalism, have served both parties well so far.

Plaid’s cultural nationalism has little appeal among the working class in the valleys. And Labour’s rugby-nationalism seems awfully shallow to middle-class Welsh-speakers such as myself. But between them they’ve locked up 52% of the vote and 41 of the 60 seats in the Welsh Assembly.

So far there’s been very little incentive to change and embrace a radical ‘hot’ nationalism that demands constitutional change. But the situation is now fast moving, and they’re going to have to do so or risk losing their grip on power at the Welsh Assembly, and in doing so lose Wales itself.


If Scotland and Ireland do leave the UK, Wales is very likely to revert back to its pre-1707 Act of Union role as a constituent part of England.

Wales has since at least the 19th century ridden on Scotland and Northern Ireland’s coat-tails and claimed that it too should be given special status within the United Kingdom.
It’s difficult however to see Wales on its own being able to make a strong case for special treatment. It will soon just be another region of England, like Manchester, that enjoys some devolution.

Labour fully recognise that this scenario is a possibility, but continue to delude themselves that Wales will have special clout within a post-break up England.

Carwyn Jones has over the past few years claimed that the House of Lords could be re-formed in order to give Wales equal representation, or that the UK could be federalised.

This week he seems to be belatedly concluding that a Tory-run UK Government has little interest in Wales.

No one can blame them either. There are only two things that the Conservatives fear – one is that they lose power, and the other is that they lose part of the UK.

Wales can’t threaten the first. The country would make up just 5% of the population of ‘EnglandandWales’. And Wales isn’t a ‘swing seat’ in electoral terms, but a solid Labour one. There are a few seats in the north-east (and Carwyn Jones’ own Bridgend) that the Tories would love to have, but they don’t need them.

If Wales was a US State, it would be somewhere like Georgia. Very few electoral votes, and so solidly partisan that no presidential candidate would ever bother visiting.


But Wales can threaten to leave the UK. The Conservatives, staunch British nationalists, fear the continued break-up of the UK more than anything else.

The thought of Wales breaking away, even if they don’t care how Wales gets on the rest of the time, would be enough to make them reconsider their neglect of the country.

The above seeems obvious. But Welsh Labour don’t see it because they suffer from a contributionist mindset which has plagued the country for centuries.

It can basically be summed up as the belief that if Wales behaves and contributes to the British Empire it will be rewarded.

This belief had some (mistaken) foundation in the 19th and early 20th century when Wales was booming due to the industrial revolution. Wales desperately wanted to be recognised as an equal partner in the Empire alongside England and Scotland. Minor triumphs such as crowning the Prince of Wales at Caernarfon castle in 1911 made them think that they were finally being rewarded and recognised for their loyalty.

This delusion continues to this day. In the aftermath of the first Independence Referendum in Scotland, Wales’ former First Minister Rhodri Morgan called for Wales to be rewarded because “the country didn’t put the whole of the UK through the mincer via referendum or civil war” as Scotland had.
It is Scotland of course that has subsequently enjoyed all of Westminster’s attention – and all because that threat of separation hangs over Westminster like the Sword of Damocles.

A grim future

Wales may have only two years before the UK is ripped apart and replaced by EnglandandWales. But it won’t be called EnglandandWales – it will be called England.

If we want to survive as a nation, it’s time to put the contributionist mindset aside and consider how we can stop a dominant Conservative party ignoring Wales culturally and economically.

The Welsh language and culture would be done for. The cultural institutions which nurture the ethnic nationalism that is at the heart of Paid Cymru would be closed.

There would be no justification for a Welsh rugby or football team. The neglected post-industrial Wales which is the bedrock of Labour’s electoral dominance would rapidly de-populate as public investment dries up completely.

The population would age rapidly as the young migrate to the South East of England. Only retirees would move in the other direction. Wales’ seacoast would be a streak of Tory-voting blue.

The core vote Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru rely on would soon cease to exist. Neither rugby-nationalism or cultural nationalism can survive without a rugby team or a culture.

Neither of these parties can sit back and hope for the best. One is a Welsh National Party and the other is only now electable in Wales. If they don’t change, they will quickly face an existential crisis. And so will the country.

Wales needs them to back a radical independence movement.

Parhau i ddarllen Plaid llawr gwlad? Ynglyn a cholofn ‘Plaid Cymru Bad’ Golwg

I’r sawl yn eich plith sy’n anghyfarwydd a’r term ‘SNP Bad’ mae’n debyg bod angen pwt o eglurhad.  Term ydyw sy’n cael ei ddefnyddio mewn perthynas ag arfer elfennau o’r cyfryngau i ddod i ‘r un casgliad o pob stori – bod yr SNP yn ‘ddrwg ‘ – ac i… Parhau i ddarllen

Esgyrn: At sylw aelodau Plaid Cymru

Ychydig wythnosau yn ol mi fuo Pwyllgor Etholaeth Arfon yn ddigon caredig i gynnig fy enw fel ymgeisydd ar gyfer swydd Cyfarwyddwr Polisi Plaid Cymru. Ar y pryd, roedd enw arall yn y ras, ond o be’ dwi’n deall erbyn hyn, fi ydi’r unig un sy’n dal i geisio am

Parhau i ddarllen

Ifan Morgan Jones: Why Plaid Cymru should move to the centre-ground

Plaid Cymru signs in Ceredigion
It’s difficult to think of a more fortuitous situation in which Plaid Cymru could find itself.

The Conservative party is being led further right by May and the three Brexiteers, who don’t seem to have any idea what they’re doing.

They are likely to be in power for a long time despite all of their problems, due to a lack of a viable opposition party, further encouraging calls for Welsh self-determination.

UKIP have lost their entire raison d’etre with the vote for Brexit, members are defecting to the Conservatives, and their charismatic leader has left the stage (for the time being).

The Liberal Democrats are still in the wilderness, although they seem to be having some success in their pre-coalition role of the ‘none of the above’ party in recent by-elections.

Meanwhile, the Labour party continue to move towards the hard-left under the control of Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell.

Unless there’s a significant shock in the leadership election, it’s going to be at least 2020 before the Labour party are rid of Corbyn– and they could just elect another hard-left socialist in his place.

Plaid Cymru

Nature abhors a vacuum, so they say, and there’s currently a large vacuum at the centre ground of Welsh politics where any half-sensible political party could take residence.

Plaid Cymru have to take the opportunity to be that party. If they blow it now, that could well be it, I think. But they need to make some changes.

Although the party’s supporters have watched Labour’s decline with incredulity and some moral indignation, the truth is that they suffer from many of the same problems.

They’re a hard-left party in a country that is tracking towards the right. It’s no surprise therefore that electoral success has been limited.

We tend to think that Plaid Cymru have been held back by their nationalism and their support for the Welsh language.

But an alternative view is that this is what has been keeping Plaid Cymru afloat. A number of people vote for them as a bulwark against cultural erosion, without caring much about their politics.

If they are to become a party with mass-appeal, they need to start appealing to the masses rather than left-wing, middle-class Welsh-speaking university lecturers like myself.

Principles v pragmatism

How best to position themselves on the electoral compass is a difficult decision for any political party.

Their members usually lean either left or to the right – very few people join a political party in order to sustain the middling status quo.

But a political party that wants the chance to puts its politics into action must compromise between what the members want and what the voters want.

As Labour’s current travails have shown, there’s little point in sticking to one’s left-wing principles if what that means in practice is the Conservative party having free rein to re-open grammar schools and privatise health services.

Added to this, there has been a real and dangerous shift towards the hard-right across Europe and the United States in the last few years.

The choice facing Plaid Cymru is either a) become an election-winning party that occupies the political centre ground with a membership that leans to the left (the Labour route).

Or b) allow a party such as UKIP to hoover up former Labour voters in the valleys and lead Welsh politics to Trumpsville.

It’s not difficult to imagine that much of what Plaid Cymru has fought almost 100 years to defend, would come a cropper in a Neil Hamilton-controlled Assembly.

So what does that mean in practice?

First of all, it’s more about the way a party presents itself to voters than its actual policies. And for that reason, a Welsh national media should remain goal #1 for Plaid Cymru. Little can be achieved without one.

But there are certain areas where I think the party could track towards the centre ground while also securing some of its long-term goals for greater Welsh autonomy.

Infrastructure and taxes

This is an area where we’ve already seen some drift towards the centre ground within the party.

The party’s main weakness at last year’s General Election, in my opinion, was a tendency to focus too much on opposing austerity at all costs.

The party should instead focus on reducing levels of public subsidy and encouraging Wales to stand on its own two feet with a healthy private sector.

This means lowering taxes for businesses so that there’s some incentive for them to choose Wales over the South-east of England.

Where public money is spent the focus should be on infrastructure. Wales has terrible infrastructure and very little money has been spent addressing this problem.

For instance, it was mentioned this week that Wales has 11% of the UK’s rail network, but 1% of the funding.

The A55 is poor enough, but the roads from north-south Wales are a nightmare. They’re so bad, that it almost has to be deliberate.

A bypass here and a roundabout there isn’t enough – billions need to be spent on new roads and railways.

There are very practical reasons beyond appealing to voters why Plaid Cymru should argue this case:

Wales cannot make the case for independence, or even further financial devolution until it has its own integrated and robust private sector economy.

An independence movement based around public sector workers will screech to a halt if they’re asked to vote their own jobs into oblivion. Turkeys don’t vote for Christmas.

With no integrated transport system, north and south Wales care little about each other, and tend to nurture cross-border links. This is a big problem for any nationalist party.

A strong private sector is all important for a strong media (which needs companies that can afford to advertise and a wealthy population to advertise to), which as pointed out in the past is all important for the reproduction of the discourse of nationalism.

The political narrative of Westminster allowing Wales’ infrastructure to stagnate while spending billions of HS2, Cross-rail and a 3rd Heathrow runway is a drum Plaid Cymru should be beating all the time.


Most painfully for the party, tracking to the centre would also mean having something to say on the issue of immigration.

There needs to be a centre ground here between Plaid Cymru’s more-the-merrier view of immigration and the UKIP xenophobia, as the second is (at the moment) winning out.

It could in fact be an opportunity for Plaid Cymru to marry its stance on cultural erosion with a wider narrative that encompasses immigration into the UK as a whole.

There is little wrong with saying ‘There has been a lot of fear-mongering about immigration, and the truth is that in many parts of the UK, such as the south Wales valleys, it is practically non-existent.

‘Any immigrants that come into the UK should be welcomed and encouraged to integrate into their community. Portraying them as the ‘Other’ is in fact a barrier to such integration.

‘However, we also have to respect people’s right to feel at home in their own communities. If immigration completely changes the cultural character of a community, then the residents of that community do have valid concerns that need to be addressed.

‘This applies equally to a community within a city in England as it does a village in Gwynedd.’

Whether we like it or not, and whether we think they’re valid or not, people do have concerns about immigration, and any political party does have to address them.

What this doesn’t mean is scapegoating minorities for political gain – again, that would be a one-way ticket to Trumpsville.

A niche within a niche

Despite the popular conception of nationalism as the madness of crowds, Plaid Cymru has for most of its history been run by left-wing academics and intellectuals with a penchant for big policy ideas.

Compare this year’s Assembly election manifesto with Labour’s offering.

However, I do sometimes feel as if they’re overcomplicating matters when it comes to winning elections.

Any healthy democracy needs political parties which have well-thought through policies. You certainly need them to stay in power once you have it.

But elections aren’t won by good policies alone. People make a series of gut decisions about who they trust with their vote.

They think: Which of these parties is run by people who are politically and culturally like me? Can I trust them to run the economy – do they understand my aspirations?

There is a danger that a hard-left, Welsh nationalist party fails all of these tests: It is a niche within a niche.

If it is going to taste electoral success, I think Plaid Cymru needs to shed at least one of these constrictions.

The nationalist problem is one it can overcome, and, in my opinion, it goes hand in hand with compromising on its socialism and moving to the political centre-ground.

For Plaid Cymru, this is equally a moment of great opportunity, and potential crisis: How Plaid Cymru responds will shape its destiny, and Wales’ future, for decades.

Parhau i ddarllen Etholiad 2016 y Toriaid vs Plaid Cymru

Mae’n debyg gen i bod yna deimlad i Blaid Cymru wneud yn eithaf da yn etholiadau Mai 5 tra bod yToriaid wedi gwneud yn sal.  Ar un olwg mae hyn yn rhyfedd braidd gan bod nifer pleidleisiau a nifer seddi’r ddwy blaid yn debyg iawn.  Serch hynn… Parhau i ddarllen

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Plaid Cymru yn cyflawni dros Gymru fel gwrthblaid gref

Yn ein cytundeb un-bleidlais, mae Plaid Cymru wedi llwyddo i sicrhau pump o r naw addewid allweddol oedd yn ein maniffesto, sy n dangos sut y gall gwrthblaid effeithiol gyflawni dros bobl Cymru ym meysydd iechyd, addysg a r economi. Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: Y cyntaf allan o’r bloc – ond ai Plaid fydd yn ennill y ras?

Iolo Cheung sydd yn holi Leanne Wood cyn yr etholiad ar 5 Mai Parhau i ddarllen

Y Papur Gwyrdd: Plaid Cymru: ‘Newid hinsawdd yw’r sialens fwyaf i ddynoliaeth’

MAE gwefan Y Papur Gwyrdd yn croesawu’r ymrwymiad a wnaed ar bwnc newid hinsawdd gan Blaid Cymru yn ei Maniffesto ar gyfer Etholiad y Cynulliad Cenedlaethol a gynhelir ar Ddydd Iau, Mai 5. Dyma’r datganiad a gaed ar dudalen 132 … Parhau i ddarllen Parhau i ddarllen

Ifan Morgan Jones: Why I’ve decided to join Plaid Cymru

Under the circumstances, it might make more sense if I explained why I haven’t joined Plaid Cymru so far,

Firstly, I must admit that I’ve always resisted joining this political party. I come from a Welsh-speaking, dissenting-Christian, Gwynedd-residing family. The choice of Plaid Cymru seemed too obvious, too pre-ordained. Wales has always been beleaguered by denominational schisms, and I didn’t want to be just another person who voted the way he did because his father and his grandfather voted the same way. I am the master of my own mind (go to hell scientific materialism), and if I wanted to join Labour, the Lib Dems – even the Tories, whose name I don’t equate with the bogey-man – I wasn’t going to let my background, or any friends or family members, stand in my way.

Secondly, I was until 2011 a professional journalist, and have since then been an academic. It’s probably time I admitted to myself that I’ll be an academic for the foreseeable future and that I’m not going to return to journalism anytime soon. But I was always hesitant in making my own political views clear while that option remained open to me. However, as I argued when Rhun ap Iorwerth declared his Plaid candidacy, I think you can hold strong political opinions and also be a good journalist – you can be professionally objective and impartial whatever your own opinions are on a specific matter. (Look at all those journalists on Twitter who aren’t exactly shy in weighing in with their own opinions while simultaneously reporting on the day’s events.)

Thirdly, I was genuinely unsure where my political allegiances lay. I suspect that none of the political parties in Wales are a perfect fit for me. I am at heart a socially liberal but economically conservative Welsh nationalist – while Plaid Cymru has tended to skew increasingly to the left on economic matters, of late. I would probably make a good Lib Dem, and indeed, I very much respect the liberals’ contribution to Welsh politics over the last 200 years. But ultimately the liberals have promised much when it comes to Wales, and delivered little when they had the chance, going back to Tom Ellis and Lloyd George. I suspect that accepting that no political party is a perfect fit for you, and making do with what is available, is part of growing up.

So why have I joined Plaid Cymru?

I’m a Welsh nationalist. Hobsbawm declared that “… no serious historian of nations and nationalism can be a committed political nationalist… [it] requires too much belief in what is patently not so.” <!–[if supportFields]>CITATION Hob90 \p 12 \l 2057 <![endif]–> (Hobsbawm, 1990, p. 12)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–> I must disagree with the most esteemed historian in this case. Yes, most nationalists are misinformed regarding the primordial roots of their own nation. The modern nation state, which replaces the feudal system, is a relatively recent invention, dating from around the end of the 18th century. Nations are very much ‘imagined communities’ – it is absurd that the Welshman from Wrexham would think himself to have more in common with a man from Tenby that someone from a few miles over the border in Chester. Nationalism is not about language, or religion, or liberte, egalite or fraternite – it is ultimately a discourse, a discourse that talks of ‘us’ and ‘them’. How can it not be something toxic and divisive?

But if we reject Welsh nationalism, do we really extricate ourselves from this toxic and divisive discourse? After all, the world is made up of nations, and just because these nations are the status quo, they’re still held together by the glue of nationalism. One only has to look at the front page of any national paper (particularly the Mail) to realise that British Nationalist discourse is an ever-present aspect of our daily lives. Just because this nationalism is of the ‘banal’ kind, <!–[if supportFields]>CITATION Bil95 \p 6 \l 2057 <![endif]–> (Billig, 1995, p. 6)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–> less obvious in its daiily reproduction, doesn’t mean that it isn’t there. Until a serious alternative to the nation state presents itself, everyone is a nationalist to some degree – if you have an opinion on the territory and governance of your own nation state, even if that is to support the continuation of things very much as they are, you are still a nationalist.

I’m a Welsh nationalist because I don’t belive the ‘us’ versus ‘them’ is a creation of Welsh nationalism. Nation states were set up all over the world based on liberal principles, but they’re ultimately monopolies to protect the interests of the ruling class. ‘They’ – the British establishment – already exist, and they’re not sharing power with ‘us’, unless it’s on their own terms. There’s no doubt that any person, of whatever background, race or gender, can join the British establishment with a lifetime’s effort. Even someone like John Prescott, who campaigned to abolish the Hourse of Lords, can ultimately become a Lord. This is where British nationalism has succeeded where others have failed – they’ve left the door open to anyone who wanted to assimilate. But to do so you have to play by their rules. You have to be ready to be absorbed.

The backwards, under-developed economy we have in Wales today does no-one any favours. It serves only the British establishment, because they know that, ultimately, national independence depends on economic independence, and if they are to keep Britain as a centralised state under their control then it doesn’t pay to invest too much in the regions. For good or ill, Wales is my home, and I don’t much appreciate being a pawn in this particular game. Wales could, with a modicum of investment in its infrastructure, do much better economically than it is doing at the moment. In the meantime, however, we have to sit back as Crossrail, then Crossrail 2, (and presumably Crossrail 3), then HS2, (and presumably HS3 and HS4) and similar multi-billion pound investments are ploughed into London and the surrounding regions. In return, we’ll get the electrification of the Cardiff-London railway, which should cut a whole 10 minutes off travel times. North Wales awaits its dividend from the so-far non-existent ‘Northern Powerhouse’. These investments, if they ever arrive, will of course benefit Wales – as long at Wales is dependent on breadcrumbs from London’s table. But if Wales is to develop economically it needs to be more than a spoke in London’s economic wheel – it needs an internal economy that operates under its own steam. Being tied to the whims of a British establishment that has a 500+ year record of not caring a jot about Wales, and a financial sector which is about as stable as a Jenga tower made of jelly and is already overdue another crash, is not a sustainable option for Wales in the long term.

It sounds like a monumental cliché, but it’s true – Plaid Cymru, for all their flaws (of which there are no doubt many), are the only party that put Wales first. For Labour, Wales is just a building block towards power at the UK level. For the Conservatives, scoring a few seats here and there is nothing more than bragging rights. For UKIP, Wales is no more than an opportunity to claim an advantage under proportional representation that they can’t under first past the post, gain a few seats for former Tories, shore up Nigel Farage’s support, and smooth over internal party divisions. The liberals had complete political control over Wales for 50 years, but turned their backs on Wales as soon as the British political establishments offered them plum posts. For these parties, Wales is, at best, a stepping stone to greater things. We’ve voted for each of these parties in turn for over a hundred years – what has changed?

This thing we call ‘Wales’, like every other country, may be an accident of history. We may as well ask ‘which Wales?’ But it’s as good a region as any other in order to hoist a banner and distance ourselves from the self-serving cartel at the heart of the British establishment, who sing the praises of the free market when it affects the people of Port Talbot but promote state intervention when it preserves their own interests. If there were any evidence of a pan-British solution to this problem, I may well hold back. But I suspect that this elite are too firmly embedded at the heart of Britain to remove, that any solution would be another compromise that wouldn’t really change anything. When any effort is made to change the established order, they call upon the combined might of the state, the judiciary, the media, and close ranks. But they care little for Wales. Good. Let’s turn that to our advantage, for once, and, in the absence of any alternative, begin the long overdue process of excusing ourselves from this sorry mess.

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Blog yr Hogyn o Rachub: Cachfa ddiweddaraf Plaid Cymru

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Os ydych chi’n darllen hwn mi dybiaf i chi ddarllen am fwriad diweddaraf gwallgof y Blaid i geisio sefydlu rhyw fath o gytundeb â’r Gwyrddion a’r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol cyn etholiad mis Mai – cynllun na ddylai erioed wedi cael ei ystyried heb sôn am fynd i ddwylo’r cyfryngau. A dyma pam fy mod i yma’n egluro pam fod y syniad nid yn unig yn un hurt, ond yn dangos diffyg crebwyll gwleidyddol o’r math mwyaf annealladwy o du’r sawl a feddyliodd amdano.


Cyflwr y pleidiau

Mae rhai, fel Adam Price, wastad wedi sôn am yr angen i sefydlu rhyw fath o gynghrair wrth-Lafur yng Nghymru. Yn gyffredinol dydi hynny ddim yn syniad drwg. Y broblem ydi dydi’r sefyllfa wleidyddol bresennol yn gwbl, gwbl amlwg ddim yn caniatáu hynny (onid yw’n cynnwys y Ceidwadwyr, ac mae hynny’n flogiad arall). Mae’r Gwyrddion yn boenus o amherthnasol yng ngwleidyddiaeth Cymru. Eu canlyniadau diweddaraf yng Nghymru oedd 2.6% y llynedd yn yr etholiad cyffredinol, 4.5% yn etholiadau Ewrop yn 2014 a 3.4% yn etholiadau’r Cynulliad yn 2011. Mae hynny heb drafod y ffaith nad oes ganddyn nhw hyd yn oed gynghorydd yma.

O ran y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, mae’n debycach y cawn nhw 0 sedd eleni na 2 – sef y mwyaf y maen nhw’n debygol o’i gael. Yn gryno, ar ôl eleni bydd y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol hwythau yr un mor amherthnasol i wleidyddiaeth Cymru â’r Gwyrddion.

A hyd yn oed os ydi’r ddwy blaid yn cyrraedd y Cynulliad y flwyddyn nesaf, y sefyllfa orau i’r ddwy fyddai dwy sedd yr un. I roi hynny’n ei gyd-destun mae angen 5 sedd ar blaid i ffurfio plaid seneddol yn y Cynulliad. ‘Eraill’ ydyn nhw fel arall. Rhaid bod yn onest hefyd, mae Plaid Cymru’n annhebygol o gyflawni unrhyw beth o bwys ar Fai’r 6ed.

Egwyddor y peth a natur pleidlais y Blaid

Does gen i ddim gronyn o wrthwynebiad i bleidiau’n dod i gytundeb â’i gilydd i beidio â chystadlu yn erbyn ei gilydd cyn etholiad. Mae pwy maen nhw’n gwneud hynny â nhw’n fater arall.

Dwi wedi blogio o’r blaen am y Gwyrddion – pan geisiwyd dod i ryw fath o gytundeb od â nhw yn 2015. Roedd y peth yn warth. O holl bleidiau Cymru, y Gwyrddion ydi’r Seisnicaf ei naws a dydyn nhw erioed wedi dangos mymryn o frwdfrydedd dros ddatganoli, yr iaith Gymraeg na Chymru fel cenedl. Dylai hynny ynddo’i hun eu gwneud yn wrthun i blaid genedlaetholgar honedig. Yn anffodus, yr hyn a ddengys y ffaith i hyn gael ei ystyried ydi bod cenedlaetholdeb, heb ronyn o amheuaeth bellach, yn ail yn rhestr blaenoriaethau Plaid Cymru y tu ôl i syniadaeth wleidyddol asgell chwith leiafrifol, gyfyngedig.

Yr hyn a ddengys hynny ydi, fel dwi hefyd wedi dweud o’r blaid, anallu neu amharodrwydd mawrion y Blaid i gydnabod … adnabod hyd yn oed … natur ei phleidlais hi. Mae o’n dorcalonnus … o dwp, ac yn drewi o gyfforddusrwydd anhaeddiannol â’i sefyllfa. Unig pwynt gwerthu unigryw Plaid Cymru ydi ei chenedlaetholdeb. Yn hytrach mae hi’n mynd o’i ffordd i geisio apelio at lefftis, lleiafrifoedd a hipis a hynny oll drwy fod yn ofalus iawn peidio ag ypsetio Saeson. Y bleidlais sydd yno i’w hennill – os caf i fod yn blaen – ydi’r dosbarth gweithiol Cymraeg. Nhw ydi’r mwyafrif, a dydyn nhw ddim yn licio Llafur ddim mwy.

Y fathemateg etholiadol

Dylai hwn fod yn amlwg, ond yn amlwg dydi o ddim. Byddai pact o’r fath ddim yn dod yn agos at yr 18-22 sedd a grybwyllwyd. Mae hynny’n deillio o amhoblogrwydd y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, amherthnasedd y Gwyrddion yng Nghymru ac anallu cyson Plaid Cymru i ennill y seddi sydd eu hangen arni. Mae’r tri pheth hynny’n wir eleni. A hyd yn oed petai modd cyrraedd 18 sedd, fel lleiafswm, mae problem fwy craidd…

Y strategaeth etholiadol

Dylai hwn fod wedi bod yn boenus o amlwg cyn hyd yn oed meddwl am geisio trafodaethau. Sut yn union y byddai’n gweithio? Iawn, mi fedra i werthfawrogi y gallai weithio i raddau yn yr etholaethau (ond, cym off it, y Dems Rhydd a’r Gwyrddion yn cytuno i beidio â sefyll yng Ngheredigion?) ond does yna ddim hyd yn oed mymryn o gyfle o gael cytundeb yn y rhanbarthau, sef y lle mwyaf addas i gael cytundeb. Fyddai Leanne Wood yn fodlon ildio i’r Gwyrddion ranbarth Canol De Cymru, er enghraifft? A fyddai’r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol yn fodlon ildio’r Canolbarth i’r Blaid neu’r Gwyrddion o ystyried eu bod nhw’n wynebu colli pob etholaeth?

Ond dywedwn ni fod hynny, drwy ledrith yn cael ei gytuno arno, mae problem sydd hyn yn oed yn fwy craidd…

Trosglwyddo pleidleisiau

I gael unrhyw gyfle o lwyddo byddai angen i’r pleidiau oll ddarbwyllo eu pleidleiswyr nhw fwrw pleidlais dros blaid arall. A hefyd, byddai angen iddyn nhw gynyddu eu pleidlais oddi ar yr etholiad diwethaf. Mae hynny’n mynd â fi’n ôl at y pwynt uchod – diffyg dealltwriaeth o natur cefnogwyr nid yn unig y Blaid, ond y ddwy blaid arall hefyd.

Gymerwn ni Gaerffili ac Islwyn, sydd yn rhanbarth de-ddwyrain Cymru lle mae Plaid Cymru’n tueddu i wneud yn gymharol dda. A fyddai’r rhai sy’n pleidleisio i’r Blaid yno’n gallu cael eu darbwyllo gan Blaid Cymru i bleidleisio i’r Gwyrddion ar y rhestr, er enghraifft? Na – does yn yr ardaloedd hynny ddim mo demograffeg pleidleiswyr y Gwyrddion. A fyddan nhw’n cael eu darbwyllo i roi fôt i’r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol a glymbleidiodd â’r Ceidwadwyr? Wrth gwrs ddim.

A fyddai pleidleiswyr y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol yn y Canolbarth yn gallu cael eu darbwyllo i bleidleisio dros Blaid Cymru, neu Wyrddion y Gogledd drosti? Na – dydi’r rhai fyddai’n pleidleisio drostynt ddim yn agored i hynny o’u hanfod. Y mae’r holl beth mor rhyfeddol o amlwg o amhosibl dwi bron â sgrechian. Dydi pleidleiswyr Plaid Cymru ddim o reidrwydd yn amgylcheddwyr nac yn rhyddfrydwyr. A dweud y gwir, byddwn i’n dadlau bod y rhan fwyaf helaeth o’i phleidleiswyr y naill na’r llall.

O, ac un pwynt arall.

Rhyddhau’r stori i’r cyfryngau

Wn i ddim o ba ffynhonnell y daethai hyn. Mae fy ngreddf yn dweud – o ddarllen ambell beth ar Twitter – o du Plaid Cymru. Ni allaf ond â mynegi hyn: os dyna’r achos, mae’r ffynhonnell yn haeddu cael ei ysbaddu’n gyhoeddus. Am beth mor rhyfeddol, mor wirioneddol dwp i’w wneud. Mae’n embaras llwyr. Mae’n berffaith amlwg fod y Dems Rhydd – y nhw sy’n wynebu colli pob sedd sydd ganddynt – wedi tynnu allan o’r darpar gytundeb cyn unrhyw un arall. Dydyn nhw sy’n wynebu colli pob sedd, sydd mewn sefyllfa gwbl anobeithiol, ddim yn fodlon rhoi cynnig ar hyn. Achos yn y bôn, dydi hyn ddim yn effeithio ar y Dems Rhydd na’r Gwyrddion. Debyg na chaiff fawr o effaith ar bleidlais y Blaid ar ddiwrnod yr etholiad, does bron dim yng Nghymru’n cael effaith ar ddim gwaetha’r modd, ond i’r rhai sy’n ymddiddori mewn gwleidyddiaeth maen nhw’n edrych yn dwp.

Ylwch, rhowch y peth fel hyn. Mae’n siŵr bod y syniad ddaeth i’r amlwg heddiw wedi cael ei ferwi dros gyfnod a chyda brwdfrydedd. Dydw i ddim yn un i ganu fy nghlodydd fy hun – wir, dwi ddim – ond mae o wedi cymryd llai nag awr i fi, nad ydw i’n fwy na thipyn cyfieithydd sydd erioed wedi gweithio yn y byd gwleidyddol mewn unrhyw ffordd, rwygo’r peth yn rhacs yn y blogiad hwn. Fyddwn i’n gallu dweud mwy, ond mae awr yn ddigon i dreulio ar y gachfa ddiweddaraf ‘ma o du ein plaid genedlaethol ddi-glem.
Ac un gair i gloi, rhag ofn i ryw smartarse droi fyny â chwyno fy mod i’n cwyno am Blaid Cymru ond yn gwneud dim fy hun. Dwi ddim yn aelod o blaid. Pleidleisiwr ydw i: nid mwy na llai. Nid fy nyletswydd i – nid fymryn – ydi dewis plaid wleidyddol na chyfrannu ati. Dyletswydd plaid wleidyddol ydi fy narbwyllo i bleidleisio drosti efo’i syniadau a’i gweithredoedd. Ac ar y funud, dwi bron yn sicr pan ddaw hi at etholiad mis Mai, eistedd ar fy nhin a wna i drwy’r dydd a pheidio â bwrw pleidlais, achos bod holl bleidiau ein gwlad ar hyn o bryd yn gawod o gachu pur. Iawn ydi meddwl yn ddwfn am syniadau , “datrysiadau“, hefyd, ond pan maen nhw’n syniadau shit peidiwch â ffycin pwdu bod rhywun yn pwyntio’r peth allan. Rhowch hwnnw yn eich ffycin cetyn a’i smocio.

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Rydan ni eisoes wedi cyfeirio at ‘rant’ ymgeisydd Llafur yn Arfon oherwydd bod biniau heb eu casglu yn ystod cyfnod y Nadolig.  Byddwch yn cofio iddo wneud nifer o ddatganiadau cwbl gamarweiniol yn ystod y rant.  Wnaethom ni ddim – fodd bynnag –  aros efo’r paragraff bach yma – mi edrychwn i’n fwy manwl heddiw. 

Yn drydydd, dros y Nadolig a’r flwyddyn newydd, mi roedd y Cyngor wedi rhoi bai ar ‘y tywydd garw’ am fethu casgliadau. ANGHYWIR – Does ddim un awr wedi’i fethu gan y gweithwyr yn ein ardaloedd ni, dim ond esgus gan y fat cats yn y Cyngor am beidio rhoi’r adnoddau iawn i’r gweithwyr.

Mi adawn o’r neilltu natur sarhaus y dermenoleg a ddefnyddir, y ffaith bod pob sir yng Nghymru yn ol pob tebyg efo mwy o swyddi cyflog uchel na Gwynedd a’r ffaith ei bod yn anhepgor bod unrhyw gorff sy’n cyflogi miloedd lawer o bobl efo rhai ar gyflogau cymharol uchel.  Edrych wnawn ni ar y gred sydd ymhlyg yn y baragraff bod rhywbeth moesol amheus am fod ar gyflog cymharol uchel – ac edrych ar rhywbeth o’r enw Mosaic
Dull ystadegol o rannu poblogaeth y DU i gydrannau gwahanol ydi cynllun Mosaic y cwmni Experian.  Defnydd masnachol sydd i’r system yn bennaf – mae’n ddefnyddiol i gwmniau masnachol i bwrpas targedu cwsmeriaid posibl.  Mae yna hefyd ddefnydd gwleidyddol amlwg. 

Yn ol astudiaeth ddiweddar gan y Blaid Lafur ei hun sy ‘n defnyddio Mosaic, mae ei haelodaeth yn – wel gyfoethog – at ei gilydd.  

Dau gydadran sylweddol o aelodau’r Blaid Lafur – a defnyddio’r enwau lliwgar mae Experion yn eu defnyddio ydi prestige positions city prosperity.  

Labour is also attracting 10% of its overall membership from those categorised by Mosaic as being in “prestige positions” – affluent, home-owning married couples enjoying financial security. This category makes up 9% of the general population.

Felly ymddengys bod ychydig mwy yn perthyn i ‘r categori yma ymysg aelodau’r Blaid Lafur na geir yn y boblogaeth yn gyffredinol.  Mae’n debyg bod hyn ychydig yn anisgwyl gan y byddai rhywun yn meddwl y byddai pobl cymharol gefnog wedi eu tan gynrychioli yn y Blaid Lafur.  Beth am City Prosperity ‘ta?

As a group they make up 4% of the general population in contrast to 11.2% of party membership,” it says.
The report says the party has 36,646 members categorised as coming from a category it calls “city prosperity”, and 19,917 of these have joined since the general election – an increase of 119%.
Reit – llawer mwy anisgwyl – bron i dair gwaith cymaint o ‘r grwp yma yn perthyn i’r Blaid Lafur ‘na sy ‘n perthyn i’r boblogaeth yn ei chyfanrwydd.  
Gadewch i ni weld beth yn union ydi Prestige Positions a City Prosperity.  

Ia – dyna chi – ar gyfartaledd mae incwm teuluol y naill grwp yn £100k i £149k tra bod incwm teuluol y grwp arall yn £150k+.  Mae rhwng pumed a chwarter aelodau’r Blaid Lafur yn byw mewn teuluoedd sydd ag incwm o £100k+.  
Pa ganran felly o weithwyr Cyngor Gwynedd sydd ag incwm o £70k+?  Mae’r ateb i honna yn llai na 0.2%.  Felly mae gennym ni gynrychiolydd plaid sydd a chanran uchel o’i haelodau ar gyflogau teuluol o £100k+ yn galw gweithwyr swyddfa cyngor yn fat cats ar y sail bod 0.2% o weithwyr y cyngor hwnnw yn ennill £70k+.  A – chyn i rywun ofyn – byddwn yn tybio bod llai na 100 o aelodaeth y Blaid fyddai’n syrthio i’r categoriau yma.
A dyna chi – rhagrith Llafur ar ei orau.  Cynrychiolydd plaid sydd a degau o filoedd o’i haelodau ar gyflogau uchel iawn yn honni bod llond dwrn o weithwyr sector gyhoeddus sydd ar gyflogau is yn fat cats.  

O.N i’r rhai ohonoch sydd ddim digon ffodus i fyw yn y Gogledd Orllewin – pobl gyfoethog iawn ydi ‘pobl fawr’ – perchnogion chwareli a ‘ballu.  Dydi’r term ddim yn un canmoliaethus.

Parhau i ddarllen Cynllun prentisiaeth Plaid Cymru

·         Bwriedir talu am y 50,000 o brentisiaethau gyda siâr Cymru o lefi prentisiaethau y Deyrnas Gyfunol, sydd werth £150m i Gymru bob blwyddyn.

·         Bwriedir gwneud hyn oherwydd cred y Blaid na ddylai unrhyw berson ifanc rhwng 16 a 24 oed yng Nghymru fod tu allan i addysg, swydd a hyfforddiant ac er mwyn gwella rhagolygon y genhedlaeth nesaf.

·         Ar hyn o bryd mae 12,200 o bobl ifanc Cymru rhwng 16 a 18 – un o bob deg – y tu allan i addysg, swydd a hyfforddiant, sydd yn llawer gormod.

·         Mae Plaid Cymru yn credu bod prentisiaethau yn cynnig llwybr i’r byd gwaith sydd yr un mor werthfawr â chwrs prifysgol ac mae’n gwleidyddion yn benderfynol o sicrhau fod y ddau lwybr yma yn cael eu hystyried i fod yn gyfartal yn y dyfodol.

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Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Elin Jones: Bydd Cytundeb Canser Plaid Cymru yn torri amseroedd aros, gwella mynediad at gyffuriau a chefnogi cleifion

Yn y blog hwn mae Elin Jones AC yn esbonio cynlluniau Plaid Cymru i wella’r gefnogaeth canser sydd ar gael yn y Gwasanaeth Iechyd. Parhau i ddarllen Contract canser Plaid Cymru

Mae canser  yn effeithio ar y rhan fwyaf o bobl yn uniongyrchol neu’n anuniongyrchol rhywbryd yn ystod eu bywydau.

Does yna’r unman sy’n lle da i gael cansar – yn amlwg – mae yna rai llefydd yn waeth na’i gilydd.   Mae’r rhestrau aros am ddeiagnosis yma yn fater o warth cenedlaethol.  Er enghraifft mae tua traean o gleifion yng Nghymru yn aros am chwech wythnos neu chwaneg,  1% a 6% ydi’r ffigyrau cymharol yn Lloegr a’r Alban.  
‘Dydi’r targed o sicrhau bod 95% o achosion sy’n cael eu cyfeirio trwy’r llwybr brys yn derbyn triniaeth o fewn 62 diwrnod erioed wedi ei gwrdd – mae’r perfformiad tua 8% yn salach nag yw yn yr Alban.  Does yna fawr unman yn Ewrop lle mae’r tebygolrwydd o oroesi’r clefyd yn waeth.
Bwriad Contract Canser Plaid Cymru  – a gyhoeddwyd heddiw – ydi lleihau amseroedd aros, gwella mynediad at gyffuriau a chefnogi cleifion

Bydd cynlluniau Plaid Cymru i wella gwasanaethau canser yn cyflymu diagnosis ac yn sicrhau y gall cleifion gael y cyffuriau a’r triniaethau mae arnynt eu hangen.  

Mae Contract Canser 3 phwynt Plaid Cymru yn ymrwymo i’r canlynol:

  • Dod ag amseroedd aros i lawr – diagnosis neu ddweud nad oes canser ymhen 28 diwrnod

  • Cronfa triniaethau newydd: gallu mynd at feddyginiaethau newydd ar sail beth mae’r meddyg yn ragnodi, nid eich cod post 

  • Cefnogaeth unigol i bob claf cyn, yn ystod ac ar ôl y driniaeth

Mae’r cynllun hefyd yn anelu at ostwng nifer y marwolaethau y gellir eu hosgoi trwy ofalu bod y brechlyn HPV yn cael ei roi am ddim i fechgyn yn ogystal â merched, trwy gymryd camau pellach i atal pobl rhag ysmygu, trwy gyflwyno treth ar ddiodydd llawn siwgr, a thrwy sicrhau gwell mynediad at feddygon teulu trwy ein cynllun i hyfforddi a recriwtio mil o feddygon yn ychwanegol.

Tros yr wythnosau nesaf bydd cyfres o ddatganiadau polisi pwysig eraill yn cael eu gwneud gan y Blaid.  Bydd y datganiadau hyn yn rhoi dewis clir i bobl Cymru ym mis Mai – dewis rhwng llywodraeth sy’n bwriadu gwneud gwahaniaeth go iawn trwy fynd i’r afael a rhai o broblemau mwyaf di symud Cymru, a’r status quo o ddiffyg uchelgais a than berfformiad parhaus. 

Bydd etholwyr Cymru yn cael y cyfle i wneud gwahaniaeth go iawn fis Mai.  Mae’n hanfodol bod y cyfle’n cael ei gymryd.

Parhau i ddarllen

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Jocelyn Davies: Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru yn atal cynlluniau Plaid Cymru i gyflwyno mesurau rheoli rhenti a gwahardd ffioedd annheg asiantwyr gosod tai

Blog gan Jocelyn Davies AC yngl n ag effeithiau tebygol penderfyniad Llafur i bleidleisio yn erbyn cynlluniau Plaid Cymru i gyflwyno rheolau rhent yng Nghymru. Parhau i ddarllen Cynhadledd Plaid Cymru 2015

Cofiwch am Gynhadledd Flynyddol y Blaid yn Aberystwyth ddydd Gwener a dydd Sadwrn.  Bydd y digwyddiad yn digwydd yn naw degfed blwyddyn y Blaid, ac mae’n ddigon posibl mai hon fydd y Gynhadledd fwyaf yn ei hanes o ran y nifer o bobl fydd yn mynychu.  Dewch os ydi hi o gwbl yn bosibl.

Fel y gwelwch o’r amserlen isod bydd Prif Weinidog yr Alban, Nicola Sturgeon yn annerch y Gynhadledd ddydd Gwener – ond mae yna siaradwyr arbennig o dda eraill trwy gydol y Gynhadledd.  

Mi gaiff aelodau sy’n mynychu’r Gynhadledd gyfle anarferol i bleidleisio tros awdur Blogmenai os ydynt eisiau gwneud hynny.  Dwi’n sefyll i fod yn un o ddau gynrychiolydd y Gogledd ar Bwyllgor Gwaith Cenedlaethol y Blaid.  Rwyf wedi cyflawni’r rol honno am y ddwy flynedd diwethaf.  Y ddau ymgeisydd arall ydi Vaughan Williams, Caergybi a Carrie Harper, Wrecsam.

Mae yna nifer o etholiadau cystadleuol eraill yn cael eu cynnal, gan gynnwys:
Cyfarwyddydd Polisi ac Addysg Wleidyddol
Cynrychiolydd Rhanbarthol Canol De Cymru
Pwyllgor Llywio’r Gynhadledd

Bydd ymgeiswyr y Blaid am Gomisiynwyr yr Heddlu yn cael eu dewis yno hefyd.

Beth bynnag am etholiadau, prif arwyddocad y Gynhadledd fydd ei hamseriad – mae’n cael ei chynnal fel mae ymgyrchoedd Cynulliad ar hyd a lled Cymru yn cychwyn o ddifri.  Mae’n bwysig mai’r Blaid ac nid Llafur fydd yn arwain y llywodraeth nesaf ym Mae Caerdydd.  Mae’r blaid honno wedi methu a methu eto ers ennill grym yn y Cynulliad yn 1999.  Ymhellach mae Cymru wedi pleidleisio i Lafur ym mhob etholiad fwy neu lai ers 1918 – ac rydym yn cael ein gwobreuo efo lleoliad ar waelod bron i pob tabl economaidd am wneud hynny.  

Byddai cynhadledd lwyddiannus yn fan cychwyn da ar yr ymgyrch anodd ond posibl i ddod a’r hunllef hir o oruwchafiaeth Llafur yng Nghymru i ben.

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Plaid Slate Blog Feed: ‘Bydd Plaid Cymru yn dileu taliadau gofal cymdeithasol i bawb dros 65 ac integreiddio iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol’ – Elin Jones

Yn ddiweddar fe wnaeth Elin Jones gyhoeddi y byddai Plaid Cymru yn darparu gofal cymdeithasol am ddim i bawb dros 65 o fewn dau dymor o lywodraeth. Cafodd y cyhoeddiad ei wneud yn ystod araith yng Ngwesty Dewi Sant yng Nghaerdydd, lle siaradodd Elin Jo… Parhau i ddarllen

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Mae Plaid Cymru wedi cyhoeddi papur polisi yn amlinellu ei safbwynt ar ddiwygio gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Parhau i ddarllen

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Cynlluniau Plaid Cymru ar gyfer materion tai yng Nghymru, gan Dr Ian Johnson

Ian Johnson sy’n ysgrifennu am atebion Plaid Cymru i’r heriau yn ymwneud thai sy’n wynebu Cymru heddiw. Parhau i ddarllen Plaid Cymru am well Gwasanaeth Iechyd

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Elin Jones: Bydd Plaid Cymru yn gostwng amseroedd aros am ddiagnosis – a dyma sut

Elin Jones sy’n esbonio sut y bydd Plaid Cymru yn lleihau’r amser mae cleifion yn aros i dderbyn diagnosis ar gyfer salwch gan gynnwys canser. Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: Dallineb Plaid Cymru

Mae cydweithio’n rhy agos â phleidiau chwith eraill ynysoedd Prydain yn niweidio’r blaid, yn ôl Morgan Owen Parhau i ddarllen Ydi Plaid Lafur Arfon yn sbeio ar ty ni?

Paranoid dwi’n gwybod – ond fedra i ddim meddwl am neb arall sy’n hoffi gwisgo fel anifeiliaid gwyllt – yn gyhoeddus beth bynnag. Parhau i ddarllen

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: Plaid Cymru’n barod i amddiffyn Cymru rhag arbrawf ideolegol peryglus y Tor aid

Jonathan Edwards sy’n rhybuddio am effeithiau’r Gyllideb bur Dor aidd gyntaf ers 19 mlynedd ac yn esbonio be wnaiff Plaid Cymru i amddiffyn Cymru rhag y gwaethaf o’r toriadau. Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: Problemau Plaid Cymru yng Ngheredigion

Ifan Morgan Jones sy’n dadansoddi pleidlais Plaid Cymru yn y sir… Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: Dadansoddi canlyniadau Plaid Cymru

Ifan Morgan Jones sy’n dweud y bydd modd i’r Blaid adeiladu ar neithiwr dros y flwyddyn nesaf… Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: A yw neges Plaid Cymru’n ddigon miniog?

Huw Prys Jones yn trafod rhagolygon y Blaid yn yr etholiad Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: PR, Plaid a Parker

Mae yna wersi i bawb o ganlyniad i’r ffraeo dros dudalen flaen y Cambrian News, yn ôl Ifan Morgan Jones… Parhau i ddarllen

Golwg360: A fydd Plaid Cymru yn cipio Ceredigion?

Ifan Morgan Jones sy’n holi a oes gan Mike Parker obaith o ddymchwel Mark Williams yn y sedd… Roedd hi’n ddiwrnod tawel a heulog yma yng Ngheredigion heddiw. Ond mae cyfnod tymhestlog ar y gorwel. Glaw a gwynt yr wythnos… Parhau i ddarllen

Plaid Slate Blog Feed: John Osmond – Ymgeisydd Seneddol Plaid Cymru ym Mhreseli Penfro

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